Global Shockwave Revisited Read about life in Ukraineâs Zero Line.
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⦠read about life in Ukraineâs Zero Line. Battlefields are made, not found, at the point where an invading military is halted or driven back when met with force. For people who lived in the rural places that end up caught between armies, the war brings with it the choice to flee if they can or to try and endure despite the menacing promise of violence around them. In Ukraine, that contested area is known as the Zero Line, the 700-mile-long front where Ukrainian land and Russian-held territory in Ukraine meet. âOutside of the cities, rural Ukrainians live in tiny villages largely forgotten by the media, the aid apparatus, and even the armies who ravage them. Life here is tenuous: Death lurks down side streets and in half-plowed fields sown with mines and shells. It visits in the night with no warning, dropping from the sky,â [writes Jack Crosbie](. âSome ravaged towns have clear strategic import â the ones unlucky enough to be close to major highways or transit corridors. Others appear to have been decimated at random, just a few kilometers away from other villages that are largely untouched. Shelling comes and goes.â Crosbie accompanied an aid mission to the Zero Line villages and noticed the abrupt demarcation: within 30 kilometers of the front, everyone was keenly aware of the risk of errant artillery. Local Natives The Banyamulenge people live in the South Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, where they have been for centuries. Yet, because they are primarily cattle keepers, they were classified by colonial administrators as immigrants, contrasted with framing groups deemed native. These classifications persist to this day, [writes Delphin R. Ntanyoma](, as the group is subject to violence from armed rebels and the government of Congo. âThe Banyamulenge are targeted because they are viewed as âforeigners.â For decades, local armed groups and militias have mobilized to get rid of those perceived as invaders. This ideology is transmitted across generations,â writes Ntanyoma. Today, these attacks are also fueled by posts on social media, and can even be aided by Congoâs military, who are happy to turn looted cattle into their own source of funding. [FORWARD TO A FRIEND](
[Credit: Dale Pike/Unsplash] predictable disaster
[• • •] In popular understanding, the US invasion of Iraq in March 2003 marked a turning point, a breach that shaped the rest of the century going forward. For people in Iraq, and many observers at the time, the 2003 invasion was not a break but a continuation of US policy, inching ever closer toward the disaster that President George W. Bush authored. In a roundtable assembled by The Century Foundation, experts [discussed]( the warâs legacy. âThe destruction of the Iraqi state â beginning in 1990 and continuing through the sanctions era before culminating in 2003 â has yet to be reversed. What we have today is the facade of âstateness,â flimsily propped up on the wreckage of the grotesque Baâathist state,â argued Fanar Haddad. âDemocratic promises and dreams turned into a power vacuum and a fractured state. Hopes for economic development turned into a kleptocratic and zombie dependency on petroleum,â argues Zeinab Shuker. âHowever, a new Iraq can still be born. With every hegemonic project of destruction, there is a counter-hegemonic project of building a new country. Such a project is taking shape today in the action of youth across Iraq who are organizing, thinking, and writing an alternative outcome for their homeland.â [FORWARD TO A FRIEND]( DEEP DIVE founding fatherhood: part II War complicates the decision to become a parent. For civilians caught up in conflict, the violence and uncertainty can make family planning difficult or impossible, with routes to seek medical care in cities and hospitals dangerous or extortionate. And war carries with it the threat and reality of reproductive coercion. People in war can be forced to carry children they did not intend, and they can similarly be coerced to give up wanted pregnancies. In â[Abortion access and Colombia's legacy of civil war: between reproductive violence and reproductive governance](,â authors Megan Daigle, Deirdre N. Duffy, and Diana López Castañeda look at the decriminalization of abortion in Colombia. The paper was published in July 2022, months before the election of leftist candidate Gustavo Petro, and focuses on reproductive rights and access as contested political space. âColombia, therefore, demonstrates, first, the uneven political economies of gendered conflict harms, and second, the complexity of harms beyond explicit violence â that is to say, lack of access to abortion should be read as a gendered conflict harm, as access continues to be limited by conflict-related (im)mobilities and material inequalities that are racialized, localized and classed,â write the authors. In other words, the conflict shapes the way people can travel and the resources they have on hand, and it does so along lines of gender, race, locality, and class. While the fighting may largely be over, the duration of the war prevented the establishment of rural clinics. This absence of healthcare infrastructure, especially that which can address reproductive healthcare needs, is compounded by the legacy of sexual assaults, forced abortions, and forced births experienced by people caught up in the fighting. The [2016 peace deal]( between the government and the longstanding rebel group Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (or commonly known as FARC-EP) itself became a source of conflict over reproductive rights. The terms of the peace included taking a gender-based approach to redress harms, a framing device that was seized upon by conservative opposition to peace as a compromise too far. âCriticizing the original peace deal's language on gendered harms, opponents argued for a ânoâ vote in the plebiscite by appealing to the protection of marriage, family, religion and the legal system. The then attorney-general, Alejandro Ordóñez, called the peace deal a âmortal blow to the Colombian family,ââ write the authors. In making this case, conservative forces in Colombian politics set the primary victim of the war as not people but families, a distinction that shifted state responsibility in the aftermath to restoring families, rather than protecting individuals. âAbortion is cast by these interlocutors as antithetical to Colombian society and the peace process, and opposition to it as a means of forging stability, family, identity and normality in the wake of decades of conflict,â write the authors. That makes the provision of abortion care and reproductive freedom difficult, even when it is technically legal. âActivists for reproductive justice are keenly aware of these competing demands [for addressing violence and abortion access]: on our visit to La Mesa in 2018, we were handed postcards printed with the message, Nuestro cuerpo es nuestro primer territorio de paz ââour body is our first territory of peace,ââ write the authors. [LEARN MORE]( [FORWARD TO A FRIEND]( [• • •] SHOW US THE RECEIPTS Shirin Jaafari [spoke]( with Iraqis about the 20th anniversary of the US invasion of the country. â[My mother] couldnât make it to the hospital. She was too scared they might get hit on the way,â Mohammad Hashim Khazim told Jaafari. Khazim was born in the house of one of his motherâs neighbors, on Mar. 20, 2003. Khazim expressed his frustration with the Iraqi government, which has failed to curtail violence and embezzled public funds. Layla Hussain Walli lost six children and her husband to an airstrike on Apr. 6, 2003. âWhat can I say? We were just sitting there after evacuating our homes. We had done no harm. Donât [these Americans] have children or families, too?â she told Jaafari. Zoe Sullivan [plunged]( into the challenge of water management for the semi-arid parts of Brazil, where abrupt and massive rain creates floods while the sparsity of water leaves locals relying on cisterns for long stretches of time. A [PVC-pipe-based]( storage and filtration system, designed by Júlio César Azevedo, offers a way for homes to turn rainwater into stored and filtered drinking water. âHis invention looks something like [Panâs flute](: the roofâs drains funnel water toward a plastic tube that fills up a series of tubes, one next to the other, that hold the initial rainfall and keep it from contaminating the homeâs cistern,â explains Sullivan. Ridwan Karim Dini-Osman [reported]( on the vaccine shortages in Ghana, which are delaying immunizations for children and threatening greater and more severe outbreaks of diseases. âAs a mother, it is so hard to sleep at night knowing very well that your baby is not protected and could easily get the infections,â Comfort Tetteh told Dini-Osman, about trying to find a clinic with the shots in stock for her four-week-old child. The shortages are already straining health outcomes, with desperate parents draining their savings to get their children access to available doses. [FORWARD TO A FRIEND](
WELL PLAYED When did Stanford start offering [Geoengineering Degrees](? There are many ways to cope with the constant dread of [nuclear temporality](. One of the better ones is âeat dessert first.â Time plus tragedy equals [I told you so, man, I freaking told you so](. The [subtle art]( of French protest. Old drones donât die, they just [retire to Twitter](. All [city in a graphic](. Badger badger [badger badger](, much room, mistake. [FORWARD TO A FRIEND]( Follow The World: [fb]( [tw]( [ig]( [www]( [DONATE TO THE WORLD](
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