During the last two podcasts I have been interviewed for, the subject has come around to historic trends leading to foreseeable outcomes.
â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â November 14, 2023 |  [View Online]( |  [Sign Up]( Note from Addison: During the last two podcasts I have been interviewed for, the subject has come around to historic trends leading to foreseeable outcomes. One such leading question revolved around the Biden administrationâs efforts to combine funding for Ukraine and Israel. Notably, the speech given to the nation on October 8, 2023 from the Oval Office, during which the president begged for money directly from the U.S. people. The second was Secretary of State Anthony Blinkenâs attempts to bundle US aid for the two conflicts in a speech before the House of Representatives on October 31, 2023. Our methodology for forecasting in economics and the financial markets applies to politics, as well. You canât predict the future. But you can see what trends are dominant and reasonably forecast where they will lead. During the last Republican debate in Miami the candidates on the stage declared that not only are they prepared to go along with the current administrationâs agenda, but theyâd like to throw a few more conflicts on pyre, as well; China v. Taiwan and Mexican drug cartels flooding the US with fentanyl. Itâs not hard to see where this trend leads if the powers that be are successful in allocating large tranches of the US budget to conflicts external to the US borders. Never mind the grift that goes along with government defense contracts. What are the chances clearer heads will prevail? Weâll see this week as the House once again wrangles with budgeting for âgovernmentâ promises that far outpace any dream scenario for funding them. Another trend, clear to some, but not to many, is the momentum behind âsocial justiceâ movements and the drive toward authoritarian extremes at home. Our current Wiggin Session details Michael Rectenwaldâs own conflict with New York University and how the experience led him, circuitously, to become the Libertarian candidate for president. You can watch the full Episode by clicking [here](. In todayâs guest essay, Michael tells his own story. We learn how he evolved from an avowed Leftist to embracing individual liberty. We generally try to keep our commentary light, but sometimes the darkness prevails. You can hear addâl forecasts based on our reading of current trends in our [Shell Game]( presentation, if you havenât done so already. Enjoy â Addison From Leftism to Liberty, a Personal Journey by Michael Rectenwald, Libertarian Candidate for President âMost of us knew in our bones that things with the world werenât right, long before it became a crisis.â
â Pernell Plath Meier Dear , In the fall of 2016, I began to have deviationist thoughts. Thatâs how my thoughts might have been labeled in the Soviet Union anywayâthat is, had I lived through the Red Terror, the Stalinist purges, or the Great Terror. In fact, I might have been characterized as a âright deviationist.â Although I wasnât living in the Soviet Union, a cultural revolution had been getting underway at home, and I was about to step right into the whirlwind. I had been a professor of Liberal Studies and Global Liberal Studies at New York University, teaching courses in cultural studies, social and intellectual history, and academic writing. My research had been in nineteenth-century British science and culture, and I had been a scholar of nineteenth-century British Secularism. CONTINUED BELOW... POWERED BY THE DIGITAL CURRENCY SUMMIT Musk Building New World Order of Finance⦠The brightest minds in crypto aren't putting their focus on Bitcoin right now⦠No, the coins that they are buying up like CRAZY are actually smaller coins known as 'Altcoinsâ¦' Some of these coins have been projected to make moves up to 1,000x during the coming bull run. You'll learn all about these unbelievable opportunities at the upcoming free online event [The Crypto Community Summit.]( We've gathered 27 of the world's top crypto experts to share their top picks and predictions as we see our financial system changing before our eyes. [Click here to register now>>]( CONTINUED... I had taught at NYU since 2008. I had also been a Marxist for nearly 15 years. In September 2016, I started a new, anonymous Twitter account, the Deplorable NYU Profâreplete with the @AntiPCNYUprof handle and a Friedrich Nietzsche avatar as my profile pictureâand began satirizing the Left, identity politics, and recent trends in academia at large. Hereâs a small sample of my tweets from the period: ⢠September 12: âYes, contemporary identity politics on campuses today is integration in reverse!â (Linked to an article entitled, âCalifornia State Offers Segregated Housing for Black Students.â) ⢠September 16: âIâm a NYU prof whoâs seen academe become a sham bc of identity pol & liberal totalitarianism. Iâll tell all soon.â ⢠September 29: âLiberalism coopts the discourse and techniques of radicalism and turns them into devices of mass manipulation.â ⢠September 30: âIâll go Halloweening there as Nietzsche, whoâs been trigger-warned out of the curriculum, so no one will get it. Whatâs yr costume idea?â (Linked to article entitled, âPenn State to costume-shame students with poster campaign.â) ⢠October 11: âThe identity politics left: they need a safe space that is at once a hall of mirrors and a rubber room.â (Referring to displays of narcissism by SJWs as well as to their demands for protection from âdiscursive violence.â) Within 48 hours of [my Twitter escapades]( making the news, NYU administrators coerced me into a leave of absence and my colleagues on the Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Group dubbed me a thought criminal, literally declaring me âguilty for the content and structure of [my] thinking.â By the end of the academic year, I was treated by several colleagues to a barrage of bilious and defamatory emails on an official NYU listserv. They called me racist, sexist, misogynist, alt-right, fascist, Nazi, short-pants white devil, and Satan, among other choice epithets. My exile included having my office moved to the Russian Department. My new outpost was spartan, with empty metal shelves (the university refused to move my books), no telephone, no name on the door, and the Russian Department faculty apparently instructed to avoid me at all costs. I was shunned by my Liberal Studies colleagues and treated like a pariah on campus. In short, I had been sent to my own personal gulag. After my run-in with the social justice warriors at NYU, the members of Insurgent Notes, a âleft communistâ group with which I was loosely affiliated, effectively subjected me to a cyber-show trial. They accused me of any number of infractions, not the least of which was appearing on conservative talk shows and sounding remotely like a member of a rival political clan. Before they could excommunicate me from the group, I told them not to bother; I quit. Thousands of Facebook friends unfriended and blocked me. Altogether, it seemed, the Left had completely âun-personnedâ me. In the spring of 2018, I sued NYU and five colleagues for libel and defamation, but my attorneys could not overcome the motion to dismiss by NYUâs army of attorneys. So, I invited Milo Yiannopolous to speak in my classroom for a special talk on the politics of Halloween. The pandemonium was incredibleâall over a scheduled classroom appearance in which Milo was to speak to 14 of my students about how people can change their genders by the day, but others couldnât wear a Halloween costume for a single night. Student groups wrote me and said I was putting them in danger. Antifa NYC put a target on my back, threatening to kill me. NYU administrators sent emails to the entire university population apologizing but saying that they couldnât stop the talk because of âacademic freedom.â Finally, the mayor of New York, then Bill de Blasio, called NYU and canceled the event for âsecurity reasons.â This was all quite stressful for me, but it brought NYU back to the negotiating table and they offered me a settlement if I surrendered my position. At the time, I thought that I was merely voicing criticisms of the excesses and insanity of a Left that had become utterly alien to me, seemingly overnight. Little did I know that I was on the brink of a complete philosophical, political, and spiritual transformation. But I had now described the inherent authoritarianism of Marxism and leftism in general. I recognized, contrary to Marxâs animadversions of utopian socialism, that all socialism is utopian, and that utopianism is just totalitarianism in waiting. Thereâs no way to establish some peopleâs idea of utopia without squelching if not obliterating other peopleâs rights. I saw the same characteristics in the Left in general and became a civil libertarian, advocating for individual rights above all else. I then began to study the history of communism with a critical eye, starting with the Bolshevik Revolution and continuing with the exportation of Bolshevik variants to Eastern Europe and Asia. In attempting to research leftist political criminality, I was both amazed and enraged at how the academy had buried much of the history. For example, searches in academic research databases for the practices of âstruggle sessionsâ and âautocritique,â which were so prevalent during the Cultural Revolution in China, and which have seen a resurgence in the West, yielded next to nothing. These and related topics were either not treated or else simply disappeared. I suspected that a vast coverup had been undertaken. I needed to turn to other sources. My defection from Marxism and embrace of libertarianism began with the criticism of political totalitarianism, but it soon included the economic debunking of socialism. It was in early 2017 that someone recommended that I read Ludwig von Mises. This was the first time Iâd ever heard of Mises, despite all my time in higher education, or likely because of it. I began with Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis. I found Misesâs trenchant analysis of Marxist rhetorical tacticsâhis exposure of the polylogism of Marxism, his demonstration that Marx evaded the scientific analysis of socialism by means of ad hominem attacks on critics as âbourgeoisââright on the mark. Misesâs analysis of ownershipâin particular, his argument that consumers hold the power of economic disposal and in effect are the owners of the means of production under capitalismâwas thoroughly convincing. Of course, Misesâs treatment of the calculation problem proved devastating to socialism. Further, Mises showed that the inevitability that Marxism claims for socialism is metaphysical and religious in character. It draws on and immanentizes millennialist Christianity and is by no means âscientificâ: Now as a theory of progress, going beyond experience and what can be experienced, the materialist conception of history is not science but metaphysics...These theories are based generally on the assumption of a paradisiac origin, a Golden Age, from which man is moving farther and farther away, only to return finally to an equally good, or, if possible, even better, age of perfection. This generally includes the idea of Salvation. The return of the Golden Age will save men from the ills which have befallen them in an age of evil. Thus the whole doctrine is a message of earthly salvation... In so far as âscientificâ Socialism is metaphysics, a chiliastic promise of salvation, it would be vain and superfluous to argue scientifically against it. It serves no useful purpose to fight mystical dogmas with reason. There is no teaching fanatics. They must break their heads against the wall Thankfully, by the time I read this passage, I had already broken my head against the wall. The blinders of Marxism and leftism had fallen away, and Iâd felt the liberation quite viscerally. I could now think, write, and speak freely, without concern that I might be in violation of a crusty, erroneous, and oppressive doctrineâor the dictates of an academic tribunal for that matter. Marxists are not allowed to think. They merely learn the âcorrectâ positions on any number of issues and become versed in rehashing these points, ad nauseam. Those days were overâfor me at least. While I relinquished my academic career, I have since established myself as a public intellectual of sorts; I am a special contributor to the Mises Institute Wire, am invited to give talks on conservative college campuses and elsewhere, give media interviews regularly, and continue to author booksâfour since 2018. Iâm now working on another book, my twelfth, this one a libertarian analysis of the Great Reset project. Most if not all my former academic friends have turned against me, including my dissertation director, who was a friend but now will not answer my emails. He once called me his âbest student.â I lost my love interest of 13 years to the social justice crowd and third-wave feminism. I had some difficult times with my daughter, who chastised me for my ribald criticisms of the Left, while my two sons have followed me on the libertarian path. I have gained a whole new cadre of friends, people capable of understanding the difference between right libertarianism and fascism, for example. CONTINUED BELOW... POWERED BY DEMISE OF THE DOLLAR CONTINUED... The libertarian community has been most welcoming, making me wonder how and why I ever spent so much time as a Marxist. My libertarian reading diet has widened to include Murray Rothbard and Hans-Hermann Hoppe, among others, although I remain skeptical of full-on anarcho-capitalism. I have, however, become what I call a âhip Hoppeanââa countercultural, pro-liberty voice in the lineage of Mises, Rothbard, and Hoppe. I believe, with Hoppe, that libertarianism is most compatible with cultural conservatism. Property rights accord with the structures of a stable social order based on the household, and vice versa. The protection of property both reinforces and is reinforced by a society based on the natural order. All forms of Leftism involve attempts to uproot and destroy this natural order. But it is essential for ensuring personal liberty and human flourishing. In closing, I would like to say that I didnât leave the Left. The Left left me. Or, rather, the Left righted me. By this, I donât mean to suggest that leftists had turned me into a right-winger. They didnât have that power. I mean that they opened my eyes and allowed me to see rightly. In trying to correct me, they did indeed correct meâbut not as theyâd hoped. They corrected my vision by forcibly dislodging the scales of their ideology from my eyes. To our freedom, Michael Rectenwald Libertarian Candidate for President P.S. from Addison: The political trend toward authoritarian-ism has as its counterpart in the drive toward liberty. Battle lines have been drawn. Do you think theyâre necessary? Please write in with your opinions by clicking [here](mailto:feedback@wigginsessions.com). POWERED BY VAULT METAL America's Banking Crisis Has Reached Critical Mass! Over 200 banks could be on the verge of collapse, putting your hard-earned retirement savings at risk. Where you keep your retirement wealth will determine who survives the financial implosion looming ahead. This [FREE Gold & Silver IRA Retirement Guide]( can help you pivot your retirement savings into Gold, tax-free, penalty-free and without spending a dime of your liquid cash. [Claim your FREE Gold IRA Guide Today!]( The Daily Missive from The Wiggin Sessions is committed to protecting and respecting your privacy. We do not rent or share your email address. By submitting your email address, you consent to The Wiggn Sessions delivering daily email issues and advertisements. To end your The Daily Missive from The Wiggin Sessions e-mail subscription and associated external offers sent from The Daily Missive from The Wiggin Sessions, feel free to [click here.]( Please read our [Privacy Statement.]( For any further comments or concerns please email us at feedback@wigginsessions.com. If you are having trouble receiving your The Wiggin Sessions subscription, you can ensure its arrival in your mailbox by [whitelisting The Wiggin Sessions.]( © 2023 The Wiggin Sessions 808 Saint Paul Street, Baltimore MD 21202. Although our employees may answer your general customer service questions, they are not licensed under securities laws to address your particular investment situation. No communication by our employees to you should be deemed as personalized financial advice. We expressly forbid our writers from having a financial interest in any security they personally recommend to our readers. All of our employees and agents must wait 24 hours after online publication or 72 hours after the mailing of a printed-only publication prior to following an initial recommendation. Any investments recommended in this letter should be made only after consulting with your investment advisor and only after reviewing the prospectus or financial statements of the company. Sent to: {EMAIL} [Unsubscribe]( Consillience, LLC, Saint Paul Street, 808, Baltimore, Maryland 21202, United States