Has the U.S. legal system been politically captured? Christopher W. Schmidt on the conflict over the countryâs Supreme Court, allegations about the prosecution of Donald Trump, and the fragmentation of Americaâs institutions. Brought to you by [Meco]( Recently: Abraham Newman on [why U.S. sanctions now reach into nearly every country in the world](. ⦠Today: Has the American legal system been politically captured? Christopher W. Schmidt on the conflict over the countryâs Supreme Court, allegations about the prosecution of Donald Trump, and the fragmentation of Americaâs institutions. ⦠Also: Matthias Matthijs on the challenges to the U.K.âs economy, and the Conservative Partyâs political fortunes, after Brexit. Subscribe to The Signal? Share with a friend. ⦠Sent to you? Sign up [here](. Reasonable Doubt Getty Images In a major ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court on July 1, it held that American presidents have presumptive immunity from criminal prosecution for official acts. President Joe Biden responded in a speech attributing the decision to a pattern of Court attacks âon a wide range of long-established legal principles in our nation.â And on the Court itself, Justice Sonia Sotomayor dissented that the ruling isnât just wrongâa mockery of the principle that everyone is equal before the lawâbut profoundly dangerous, inviting presidential tyranny. But many opponents of the decision claim it isnât just wrong, or dangerous, but ultimately corruptâthe result of the Court having come under the control of a right-wing political faction: The Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer called the body the âMAGA Supreme Courtââa jibe associating it with the political movement around the former president Donald Trumpâadding that âpolitical influence trumps all in our courts today.â The reaction to a recent Court decision limiting the U.S. federal governmentâs authority to regulate businesses has been similar. Itâs now conventional wisdom on the political left that the Court has been seized by a group of extreme conservatives. On the right, meanwhile, itâs long been conventional wisdom that American societyâs core institutionsânot just higher education and the media but the state itself, including the court systemâhave been captured by a left-wing clique. Itâs an idea Trump has invoked regularly. Now, facing several prosecutions, he argues the Democrats are using the legal system against him in a political âwitch-huntââan argument popular among his supporters and at least plausible to others beyond them. What to make of these competing claims? Christopher W. Schmidt is a professor of law at Chicago-Kent College of Law. To Schmidt, thereâs nothing new as such in todayâs incursions of politics into the courts. It happened dramatically in the Civil Rights Era of the 1950s and â60s, for example. And itâs happened chronically in subtler ways before and since. Whatâs new is how unwilling and unable the institutions around them are to support themâthe Supreme Court, above all. When its integrity was challenged during the Civil Rights Era, the American legal profession, the mainstream media, and a bipartisan political center all rallied behind itâeffectively. Now, with the politicization of the Court intensifying, support for it, and its fundamental legitimacy, is thinner and more fragmented than ever. Yet these institutions, and the public at large, are no less interested in it. To the contraryâmaking the Court a focal point of nearly relentless controversy ⦠[Read on]( Advertisement From Christopher W. Schmidt at The Signal: âA lot of the criticism of the Court is just political rhetoric. Following the Trump immunity ruling, for instance, the Democratic member of the House of Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez called for judicial impeachment. Senator Chuck Schumer described the Supreme Court as a âMAGAâ institution. And I just saw that $10 million is being funneled into a progressive advocacy group to push for Court reform. Thereâs real dissatisfaction with the Court behind these challenges, but most of them are really meant to energize voters for the November election. Which is fairly routine by now.â âThere were the anti-communist fervors of the 1940s and 1950s, when people believed that the elites holding the levers of power were working to advance a progressive, anti-conservative agenda. And that conspiratorial tradition has survived into todayâs politics. Trump is making it more extreme in some ways. Heâs certainly mainstreaming it. But itâs not a new sentiment. Whatâs new is the way you see it being politically mobilized. Thatâs a product of political polarizationâand itâs a product of technological change, specifically of social media.â âThe foundation stones that have historically held the Supreme Court up when itâs created controversy have been falling one by one. Thereâs a press corps, especially on the left, thatâs committed to challenging the Court now. The American legal profession used to be institutionally committed, but thatâs less clear now. Mainstream politicians have begun challenging the Court. All the props have fallen now. And when the Court is criticized, whether from the left or the right, thereâs just no concerted pushback.â [Members can access the full conversation here]( Advertisement Managing email newsletters shouldnât be so tough. What if you had a distraction-free space, outside your inbox, for discovering and reading them? [Learn more]( FROM THE FILES The Bill Comes Due Ana Paula Grimaldi Voters in the United Kingdom gave the Labour Party an enormous victory in general elections on July 4, with 63 percent of seats in Parliament. Opinion polls forecast a Labour win for months, but the Conservative Partyâs final loss of support is stunningâfrom 43.6 percent of the vote in the last election, in 2019, to 23.7 percent now. Howâd this happen? The Conservativesâ political performance hasnât helped. In power since 2010, theyâve been through several years now of scandals and failures: After Boris Johnson was forced to resign as prime minister in July 2022, his successor, Liz Truss, managed the shortest tenure of any PM in modern British history. Meanwhile, though, Britainâs economy has been regularly lagging behind the rest of Europe and the U.S.âever since the U.K. left the European Union in 2020. And the Conservativesâ electoral decline almost perfectly mirrors the decline in public support for their handling of the economy: In March 2020 polling by the Pew Research Center, about 47 percent of respondents said that Conservatives were best at handling the economy. That number had dropped to 21 percent by this June. Brexit, which Johnson had championed, also became a major problem for the party. In April 2021 public-opinion polling, Britons looked favorably on the decision to leave the EU, with 46 percent saying it was the right move and 43 percent saying it was wrong. But by April of this year, 55 percent now said it was wrong to leave, and only 31 percent said it was right. In [November 2021]( and [July 2022](, Matthias Matthijs examined the U.K.âs unstable trajectory after Brexit. As Matthijs sees it, Johnsonâs backing for Brexit won over many Labour voters to the Conservatives. But, Matthijs says, Johnson and other Tory elites knew that withdrawing from the European Single Market and EU Customs Union would create new barriers to trade on the continentâmeaning, for whatever other benefits Brexit might bring, real economic costs. Since leaving the EU, the U.K.âs currency has weakened, and itâs experienced higher inflation than its European neighbors. 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