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The Evening Wrap: ‘Indian intelligence service’ bought Pegasus from Israel, says NYT reporter

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The “Indian intelligence service” purchased Pegasus from Israeli company NSO in a deal peg

The “Indian intelligence service” purchased Pegasus from Israeli company NSO in a deal pegged at “dozens of millions of dollars”, a The New York Times (NYT) reporter involved in the newspaper’s investigation into the use of the surveillance system worldwide has said. The claim runs counter to the Government of India’s contention so far denying the purchase of Pegasus, which The New York Times said was signed during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Israel and cleared by the then Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in 2017. Describing the NSO procedure for Pegasus, which is a high-grade cyberweapon on Israel’s export control list, The New York Times’ Tel Aviv-based correspondent Ronen Bergman said the Israeli Ministry of Defence had cleared the contract, and that NSO engineers would have had to travel to India to install the system themselves and Israeli intelligence agency Mossad liaised with them. However, neither the NYT nor Bergman specified whether they meant the Intelligence Bureau (IB) or the Research and Analysis wing ((R&AW), or any other agency reporting to the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) under National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval. “While the ongoing technical maintenance is done by NSO vis-a-vis, in this case, Indian intelligence service, which was the entity that purchased Pegasus – the overall connection is also with the involvement of the agency in Israel that is in charge of running secret intelligence and political relationships, which is the Mossad,” Bergman said in an interview to Indian news portal The Wire, which had taken part in the global investigation by several agencies that found thousands of phones belonging to civilians, including politicians, judges, journalists, activists with no criminal record had been hacked using the Pegasus software. Journalists belonging to The Wire, The Hindu and other Indian agencies were also on the list. The Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs declined to comment on the New York Times story and the latest interview. Last July, in Parliament, IT and Communications Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, whose phone was also on the list of Pegasus- hacked devices, said the news reports were “sensational” and “had no factual basis and were categorically denied by all parties including in the Supreme Court,” referring to an ongoing case in the apex court, which subsequently ordered its own enquiry committee to investigate the allegations against the government. Separately, the Ministry of Defence had said it hadî ˆâ€œnot had any transactions” with the NSO group. Significantly, the NSCS had for the first time seen a 10-fold increase in budgetary allocation in 2017-18, when its allocation shot up to ₹333 crore and it was further increased to ₹841.73 crore in 2018-19 but was revised to ₹140.92 crore in 2019-20, and officials did not respond to The Hindu report requesting explanations for the sudden surge in outlay. The functioning of the NSCS, IB and the R&AW are exempted from the provisions of the Right to Information Act (RTI) and also from Parliament scrutiny. The organisations cannot be financially audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) also. In the interview, Bergman offered no evidence of the NYT’s claims, but detailed the workings of NSO and procedure involved by each of the countries, including India, Mexico, Hungary, Morocco, KSA etc, who had purchased the Pegasus programme. He said he couldn’t divulge his sources, but The New York Times had conducted an extensive multi-country investigation based on documents that he was privy to. “Some of the details that are specified, this comes from a very sensitive, a long-time dealing with sources, and, therefore, I’ll be a little bit cagey in some of the details… we have been working for a year in 12 different countries, speaking with intelligence officials, with leaders of law enforcement agencies, politicians, leaders, cyber experts, human rights activists, etc. and I think we got as close as possible to the full picture – if not the whole picture,” Bergman stated. As the programme is on a controlled export list, NSO officials have said all their contracts are cleared by the Israeli government. The NYT story had linked the Pegasus purchase in each of the countries to relations between their leaders and Netanyahu and claimed that those governments had changed their foreign policy, and votes at the United Nations as a result of the relationship. “[In] India, [there is] the relationship, a close personal relationship between the leaders of India and Israel that gave birth to, I would say, a new generation of military expenditure as well as a new Indian stand, including international public steps towards Israel,” Bergman said, adding that according to his sources, there was “a specific interest and specific emphasis from the Indian leadership to the Israeli leadership to obtain that specific license” for Pegasus. J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Tripura topped in attacks on journalists in 2021 Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Tripura topped the list of States and Union Territories where journalists and media houses were targeted in 2021, a report by a New Delhi-based rights group said on Wednesday. At least six journalists were killed, 108 attacked and 13 media houses or newspapers targeted across the country, according to the India Press Freedom Report 2021 by the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG). “The highest number of journalists or media organisations targeted was in J&K (25), followed by Uttar Pradesh (23), Madhya Pradesh (16), Tripura (15), Delhi (8), Bihar (6), Assam (5), Haryana and Maharashtra (4 each), Goa and Manipur (3 each), Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal (2 each), and Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Kerala (1 each),” the report stated. While J&K recorded the maximum attacks by State actors, Tripura had the most cases of attacks by non-State actors, the analysis of data showed. Eight women journalists faced arrest, summons and registration of First Information Reports. “The widespread attacks on the press freedom from J&K to Tripura are an indicator of the continuing deterioration of civic space in the country. The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, is an affirmation of the government’s intent to crack down on media freedom,” RRAG director Suhas Chakma said. The spotlight on attacks against media freedom during 2021 remained on J&K. Out of the 17 journalists arrested or detained in the country, five were from J&K, followed by Delhi (3), Maharashtra, Manipur and Tripura (2 each), and Assam, Chhattisgarh and Haryana (1 each), the report noted. In 2021, at least 24 journalists were allegedly physically attacked, threatened, harassed and obstructed from doing their professional works by public officials, including police, across the country. The police assaulted 17 of them. The year saw FIRs registered against 44 journalists, 21 of them under Section 153 of the IPC relating to promoting enmity. In 2021, the Enforcement Directorate and the Income Tax Department raided offices of media houses or newspapers and houses of journalists who were critical of policies and functioning of the government, the report said. Electoral bonds worth ₹1,213 crore sold in January Electoral bonds worth ₹1,213 crore were sold by the SBI in January, with most of them (₹784.84 crore) being encashed in the New Delhi branch, pointing towards national parties, while the Mumbai branch sold the most (₹489.6 crore worth), according to a Right to Information reply this week. This comes as campaigning for the Assembly elections in Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand is in full swing, after being announced on January 8. RTI activist Kanhaiya Kumar, whose query the SBI responded to on Monday, said the amount of bonds sold this time had been the highest before any Assembly poll since the scheme started in 2018. In fact, the reply showed that the value of bonds sold in the 19th tranche, from January 1 to 10, had been nearly double of that sold in the run-up to the last set of Assembly polls in April 2021 (₹695 crore). While the New Delhi branch was used to encash the most bonds, electoral bonds worth ₹117.12 crore were sold there. The RTI reply showed that bonds worth ₹227 crore, ₹154 crore and ₹126 crore were sold in the Chennai, Kolkata and Hyderabad branches respectively. After New Delhi, the Kolkata branch had the most electoral bonds encashed (₹224 crore) followed by Chennai (₹100 crore). States where elections are going on had smaller amounts of bonds encashed — ₹50 lakh in Chandigarh, ₹3.21 crore in Lucknow and ₹90 lakh in Goa. The scheme, started in 2018, enables Indian citizens or companies to buy the bonds from 29 SBI branches in denominations of ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹1 lakh, ₹10 lakh and ₹1 crore to be used as anonymous donations to political parties. Since the last set of Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal, Assam and Puducherry in April 2021, bonds worth ₹150 crore were sold in July 2021 and ₹614 crore in October 2021. BJP MLA Nitesh Rane sent in two-day police custody BJP MLA Nitesh Rane has been sent to two-day police custody by a court at Sindhudurg in an attempt to murder case. He surrendered before the court after withdrawing his bail plea before the Bombay High Court. Advocate Satish Maneshinde, appearing for Rane, told a Bench of justice C.V. Bhadang, “In view of what happened yesterday in the Sindhudurg court, the bail applicant intends to surrender before the investigating officer during the course of the day and his bail plea be allowed to be withdrawn. He intends to surrender to face the probe even though five-day protection is still left as per the Supreme Court order.” The court accepted his plea and disposed of the application as withdrawn. On February 1, additional sessions judge R.B. Rote rejected Rane’s bail application and said, “If he is granted bail the investigation will be hampered. He has filed this application for regular bail without filing a written application for making surrender before the court. The application is premature, hence it is not maintainable.” The first time he had moved the High Court was after a court in Sindhudurg district quashed his anticipatory bail on December 31. As per his petition, “He has been falsely implicated and targeted by the ruling party in Maharashtra [Shiv Sena] and there is no evidence against him in this case.” On January 17, a Bench of justice Bhadang refused his anticipatory bail and extended his protection from arrest till January 27. On January 27, Rane approached the Supreme Court seeking pre-arrest bail. The court granted him interim protection from arrest and directed him to surrender before the trial court and apply for regular bail. The case against Rane was registered after Kankavli resident and member of the Shiv Sena, Santosh Parab, 44, filed a police complaint claiming he was assaulted by certain persons linked with the Kankavli MLA. The incident took place in December 2021 during the campaigning for the Sindhudurg District Co-operative Bank elections. Rane has been charged with sections 307 (attempt to murder), 120 B (punishment of criminal conspiracy) and 34 (common intention) of the Indian Penal Code. Anganwadi workers call for stir in response to Budget A union of anganwadi workers has given a call for protest against the Union Budget’s “failure” to address their demands for minimum wages instead of honorarium and higher allocation for nutrition. The All India Federation of Anganwadi Workers and Helpers has urged all scheme workers to organise protests, including gherao of NDA MPs in the run-up to a general strike called by 10 Central trade unions on March 24. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s Budget speech as well as budgetary allocations had no fiscal push for fixed wages of frontline workers, who have seen their workload increase due to COVID-19-related responsibilities or for nutrition, especially when food insecurity worsened and India ranked 101 out of 116 countries in the Global Hunger Index. The Minister announced the upgrade of two lakh anganwadi with “better infrastructure and audio-visual aids”, but the ‘Saksham Anganwadi and Poshan 2.0’ scheme of the Ministry of Women and Child Development, under which these works will be carried out received negligible hike of 0.7%. The scheme received an allocation of ₹20,263.07 crore. The schemes under the Ministry that focus on safety of women such as Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, One Stop Centres, Nari Adalat, Mahila Police Volunteer and Women’s Helpline saw a decline in allocation from ₹587 crore to ₹562 crore. The budget for the Ministry of Women and Child Development as a portion of the total expenditure has also declined from 0.70% to 0.63%. The Ministry received an allocation of ₹25,172.28 crore, which is a 3% increase from last year’s budgetary estimate of ₹24,435 crore. The gender Budget, which includes schemes for women across various Ministries, has further shrunk this year, with its share in the total expenditure declining from 4.4% to 4.3% for financial year 2023 at ₹1,71,006.47 crore. It has decreased from 0.71% of GDP of the revised estimates for 2021-22 to 0.66% of the GDP in the budgetary estimates of 2022-2023. Sitharaman’s Budget speech had nothing new to offer for women, with no new schemes or initiatives announced. The word ‘women’ appeared only six times in her speech. “Around 91% of the increase in total Gender Budget from last year is from schemes in Part B [which are only 30% specific to women]. There’s a very insignificant increase in the Part A total, which has the schemes we know for sure are just for women, at least most of them,” said Shruti Ambast, Senior Policy Analyst, Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability. “Women are a large number of the beneficiaries in the schemes that include MGNREGS, National Social Assistance Programme and schemes for welfare of SC, ST, minorities and other vulnerable sections. The combined expenditure on these schemes has reduced from 3.2% of the total revised expenditure of 2021-22 to 2.5% in budget allocation in 2022-2023. This shows that the government’s vision of ‘Amrit Kaal’ has no place for women,” the All India Democratic Women’s Association said in a press statement. Evening Wrap will return tomorrow. [logo] The Evening Wrap 02 FEBRUARY 2022 [The Hindu logo] Welcome to the Evening Wrap newsletter, your guide to the day’s biggest stories with concise analysis from The Hindu. [[Arrow]Open in browser]( [[Mail icon]More newsletters]( ‘Indian intelligence service’ bought Pegasus from Israel, coordinated with Mossad: NYT reporter The [“Indian intelligence service” purchased Pegasus from Israeli company NSO]( in a deal pegged at “dozens of millions of dollars”, a The New York Times (NYT) reporter involved in the newspaper’s investigation into the use of the surveillance system worldwide has said. The claim runs counter to the Government of India’s contention so far denying the purchase of Pegasus, which The New York Times said was signed during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Israel and cleared by the then Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in 2017. Describing the NSO procedure for Pegasus, which is a high-grade cyberweapon on Israel’s export control list, The New York Times’ Tel Aviv-based correspondent Ronen Bergman said the Israeli Ministry of Defence had cleared the contract, and that NSO engineers would have had to travel to India to install the system themselves and Israeli intelligence agency Mossad liaised with them. However, neither the NYT nor Bergman specified whether they meant the Intelligence Bureau (IB) or the Research and Analysis wing ((R&AW), or any other agency reporting to the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) under National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval. “While the ongoing technical maintenance is done by NSO vis-a-vis, in this case, Indian intelligence service, which was the entity that purchased Pegasus – the overall connection is also with the involvement of the agency in Israel that is in charge of running secret intelligence and political relationships, which is the Mossad,” Bergman said in an interview to Indian news portal The Wire, which had taken part in the global investigation by several agencies that found thousands of phones belonging to civilians, including politicians, judges, journalists, activists with no criminal record had been hacked using the Pegasus software. Journalists belonging to The Wire, The Hindu and other Indian agencies were also on the list. The Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Home Affairs declined to comment on the New York Times story and the latest interview. [ ]  Last July, in Parliament, IT and Communications Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw, whose phone was also on the list of Pegasus- hacked devices, said the news reports were “sensational” and “had no factual basis and were categorically denied by all parties including in the Supreme Court,” referring to an ongoing case in the apex court, which subsequently ordered its own enquiry committee to investigate the allegations against the government. Separately, the Ministry of Defence had said it hadî ˆâ€œnot had any transactions” with the NSO group. Significantly, the NSCS had for the first time seen a 10-fold increase in budgetary allocation in 2017-18, when its allocation shot up to ₹333 crore and it was further increased to ₹841.73 crore in 2018-19 but was revised to ₹140.92 crore in 2019-20, and officials did not respond to The Hindu report requesting explanations for the sudden surge in outlay. The functioning of the NSCS, IB and the R&AW are exempted from the provisions of the Right to Information Act (RTI) and also from Parliament scrutiny. The organisations cannot be financially audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) also. In the interview, Bergman offered no evidence of the NYT’s claims, but detailed the workings of NSO and procedure involved by each of the countries, including India, Mexico, Hungary, Morocco, KSA etc, who had purchased the Pegasus programme. He said he couldn’t divulge his sources, but The New York Times had conducted an extensive multi-country investigation based on documents that he was privy to. “Some of the details that are specified, this comes from a very sensitive, a long-time dealing with sources, and, therefore, I’ll be a little bit cagey in some of the details… we have been working for a year in 12 different countries, speaking with intelligence officials, with leaders of law enforcement agencies, politicians, leaders, cyber experts, human rights activists, etc. and I think we got as close as possible to the full picture – if not the whole picture,” Bergman stated. As the programme is on a controlled export list, NSO officials have said all their contracts are cleared by the Israeli government. The NYT story had linked the Pegasus purchase in each of the countries to relations between their leaders and Netanyahu and claimed that those governments had changed their foreign policy, and votes at the United Nations as a result of the relationship. “[In] India, [there is] the relationship, a close personal relationship between the leaders of India and Israel that gave birth to, I would say, a new generation of military expenditure as well as a new Indian stand, including international public steps towards Israel,” Bergman said, adding that according to his sources, there was “a specific interest and specific emphasis from the Indian leadership to the Israeli leadership to obtain that specific license” for Pegasus. [underlineimg] J&K, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Tripura topped in attacks on journalists in 2021 Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Tripura topped the list of States and Union Territories where journalists and media houses were targeted in 2021, [a report by a New Delhi-based rights group said]( on Wednesday. At least six journalists were killed, 108 attacked and 13 media houses or newspapers targeted across the country, according to the India Press Freedom Report 2021 by the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG). “The highest number of journalists or media organisations targeted was in J&K (25), followed by Uttar Pradesh (23), Madhya Pradesh (16), Tripura (15), Delhi (8), Bihar (6), Assam (5), Haryana and Maharashtra (4 each), Goa and Manipur (3 each), Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal (2 each), and Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Kerala (1 each),” the report stated. While J&K recorded the maximum attacks by State actors, Tripura had the most cases of attacks by non-State actors, the analysis of data showed. Eight women journalists faced arrest, summons and registration of First Information Reports. “The widespread attacks on the press freedom from J&K to Tripura are an indicator of the continuing deterioration of civic space in the country. The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, is an affirmation of the government’s intent to crack down on media freedom,” RRAG director Suhas Chakma said. The spotlight on attacks against media freedom during 2021 remained on J&K. Out of the 17 journalists arrested or detained in the country, five were from J&K, followed by Delhi (3), Maharashtra, Manipur and Tripura (2 each), and Assam, Chhattisgarh and Haryana (1 each), the report noted. In 2021, at least 24 journalists were allegedly physically attacked, threatened, harassed and obstructed from doing their professional works by public officials, including police, across the country. The police assaulted 17 of them. The year saw FIRs registered against 44 journalists, 21 of them under Section 153 of the IPC relating to promoting enmity. In 2021, the Enforcement Directorate and the Income Tax Department raided offices of media houses or newspapers and houses of journalists who were critical of policies and functioning of the government, the report said. [underlineimg] Electoral bonds worth ₹1,213 crore sold in January [Electoral bonds worth ₹1,213 crore were sold by the SBI in January]( with most of them (₹784.84 crore) being encashed in the New Delhi branch, pointing towards national parties, while the Mumbai branch sold the most (₹489.6 crore worth), according to a Right to Information reply this week. This comes as campaigning for the Assembly elections in Goa, Manipur, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand is in full swing, after being announced on January 8. [A sample electoral bond issued by the State Bank of India. File photo.]  RTI activist Kanhaiya Kumar, whose query the SBI responded to on Monday, said the amount of bonds sold this time had been the highest before any Assembly poll since the scheme started in 2018. In fact, the reply showed that the value of bonds sold in the 19th tranche, from January 1 to 10, had been nearly double of that sold in the run-up to the last set of Assembly polls in April 2021 (₹695 crore). While the New Delhi branch was used to encash the most bonds, electoral bonds worth ₹117.12 crore were sold there. The RTI reply showed that bonds worth ₹227 crore, ₹154 crore and ₹126 crore were sold in the Chennai, Kolkata and Hyderabad branches respectively. After New Delhi, the Kolkata branch had the most electoral bonds encashed (₹224 crore) followed by Chennai (₹100 crore). States where elections are going on had smaller amounts of bonds encashed — ₹50 lakh in Chandigarh, ₹3.21 crore in Lucknow and ₹90 lakh in Goa. The scheme, started in 2018, enables Indian citizens or companies to buy the bonds from 29 SBI branches in denominations of ₹1,000, ₹10,000, ₹1 lakh, ₹10 lakh and ₹1 crore to be used as anonymous donations to political parties. Since the last set of Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal, Assam and Puducherry in April 2021, bonds worth ₹150 crore were sold in July 2021 and ₹614 crore in October 2021. [underlineimg] BJP MLA Nitesh Rane sent in two-day police custody BJP MLA [Nitesh Rane has been sent to two-day police custody]( by a court at Sindhudurg in an attempt to murder case. He surrendered before the court after withdrawing his bail plea before the Bombay High Court. Advocate Satish Maneshinde, appearing for Rane, told a Bench of justice C.V. Bhadang, “In view of what happened yesterday in the Sindhudurg court, the bail applicant intends to surrender before the investigating officer during the course of the day and his bail plea be allowed to be withdrawn. He intends to surrender to face the probe even though five-day protection is still left as per the Supreme Court order.” The court accepted his plea and disposed of the application as withdrawn. On February 1, additional sessions judge R.B. Rote rejected Rane’s bail application and said, “If he is granted bail the investigation will be hampered. He has filed this application for regular bail without filing a written application for making surrender before the court. The application is premature, hence it is not maintainable.” The first time he had moved the High Court was after a court in Sindhudurg district quashed his anticipatory bail on December 31. As per his petition, “He has been falsely implicated and targeted by the ruling party in Maharashtra [Shiv Sena] and there is no evidence against him in this case.” On January 17, a Bench of justice Bhadang refused his anticipatory bail and extended his protection from arrest till January 27. On January 27, Rane approached the Supreme Court seeking pre-arrest bail. The court granted him interim protection from arrest and directed him to surrender before the trial court and apply for regular bail. The case against Rane was registered after Kankavli resident and member of the Shiv Sena, Santosh Parab, 44, filed a police complaint claiming he was assaulted by certain persons linked with the Kankavli MLA. The incident took place in December 2021 during the campaigning for the Sindhudurg District Co-operative Bank elections. Rane has been charged with sections 307 (attempt to murder), 120 B (punishment of criminal conspiracy) and 34 (common intention) of the Indian Penal Code. [underlineimg] Anganwadi workers call for stir in response to Budget A union of anganwadi workers has [given a call for protest against the Union Budget’s “failure” to address their demands]( for minimum wages instead of honorarium and higher allocation for nutrition. The All India Federation of Anganwadi Workers and Helpers has urged all scheme workers to organise protests, including gherao of NDA MPs in the run-up to a general strike called by 10 Central trade unions on March 24. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s Budget speech as well as budgetary allocations had no fiscal push for fixed wages of frontline workers, who have seen their workload increase due to COVID-19-related responsibilities or for nutrition, especially when food insecurity worsened and India ranked 101 out of 116 countries in the Global Hunger Index. The Minister announced the upgrade of two lakh anganwadi with “better infrastructure and audio-visual aids”, but the ‘Saksham Anganwadi and Poshan 2.0’ scheme of the Ministry of Women and Child Development, under which these works will be carried out received negligible hike of 0.7%. The scheme received an allocation of ₹20,263.07 crore. The schemes under the Ministry that focus on safety of women such as Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, One Stop Centres, Nari Adalat, Mahila Police Volunteer and Women’s Helpline saw a decline in allocation from ₹587 crore to ₹562 crore. The budget for the Ministry of Women and Child Development as a portion of the total expenditure has also declined from 0.70% to 0.63%. The Ministry received an allocation of ₹25,172.28 crore, which is a 3% increase from last year’s budgetary estimate of ₹24,435 crore. The gender Budget, which includes schemes for women across various Ministries, has further shrunk this year, with its share in the total expenditure declining from 4.4% to 4.3% for financial year 2023 at ₹1,71,006.47 crore. It has decreased from 0.71% of GDP of the revised estimates for 2021-22 to 0.66% of the GDP in the budgetary estimates of 2022-2023. Sitharaman’s Budget speech had nothing new to offer for women, with no new schemes or initiatives announced. The word ‘women’ appeared only six times in her speech. “Around 91% of the increase in total Gender Budget from last year is from schemes in Part B [which are only 30% specific to women]. There’s a very insignificant increase in the Part A total, which has the schemes we know for sure are just for women, at least most of them,” said Shruti Ambast, Senior Policy Analyst, Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability. “Women are a large number of the beneficiaries in the schemes that include MGNREGS, National Social Assistance Programme and schemes for welfare of SC, ST, minorities and other vulnerable sections. The combined expenditure on these schemes has reduced from 3.2% of the total revised expenditure of 2021-22 to 2.5% in budget allocation in 2022-2023. This shows that the government’s vision of ‘Amrit Kaal’ has no place for women,” the All India Democratic Women’s Association said in a press statement. [underlineimg] Evening Wrap will return tomorrow. Today's Top Picks [[Union Budget 2022: What does the budget offer the common man? | In Focus podcast] Union Budget 2022: What does the budget offer the common man? | In Focus podcast]( [[Help recover poached rhino horn, get ₹5 lakh: Assam govt.] Help recover poached rhino horn, get ₹5 lakh: Assam govt.]( [[‘Shane’ documentary review: An intimate portrayal of the man they call ‘Hollywood’] ‘Shane’ documentary review: An intimate portrayal of the man they call ‘Hollywood’]( [[‘All of Us Are Dead’ review: Netflix’s new K-drama reinvents old school zombie genre] ‘All of Us Are Dead’ review: Netflix’s new K-drama reinvents old school zombie genre]( Copyright @ 2021, THG PUBLISHING PVT LTD. If you are facing any trouble in viewing this newsletter, please [try here]( If you do not wish to receive such emails [go here](

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