Ngaire Woods for PS Say More

The PS Say More Newsletter | [View this message in a web browser]( Welcome to Say More, a weekly newsletter that brings Project Syndicate’s renowned contributors closer to readers. Each issue invites a contributor to expand on topics covered in their commentaries, address new ones, and share recommendations, offering readers exclusive insights into the ideas, interests, and personalities of some of the world’s leading thinkers. This week, [Project Syndicate]( catches up with [Ngaire Woods]( Founding Dean of the Blavatnik School of Government and Professor of Global Economic Governance at University of Oxford. In [last week’s edition]( of Say More, [Jeffrey Frankel]( Professor of Capital Formation and Growth at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, offered a multifaceted perspective on the US-China trade war, assessed the Federal Reserve’s ability to respond to the Trump administration’s tariffs, weighed in on the Democratic presidential candidates, and more. [What do you think? Help us improve Say More by taking this short survey. ]( Ngaire Woods Says More... Project Synd Early this year, you [warned]( that, since the Brexit referendum, global economic conditions have become far more hostile to a “plucky country wanting to set out on its own.” A no-deal Brexit, in particular, has become “even riskier.” Given British Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s apparent determination to leave the European Union by the October 31 deadline, and his suspension of Parliament, could it still happen? Ngaire Woods: The UK Parliament has a long history of inventiveness and resistance to abuses of executive power. The current situation is no exception. A new law requires Johnson to request an extension until January, unless Parliament approves a deal with the European Union by October 19. He says he would “rather be dead in a ditch.” With a court having already ruled that Johnson’s suspension of Parliament was unlawful, MPs are now preparing to take legal action if he does not comply with the new law. In short, the battle over Brexit appears set to shift to the courts. Meanwhile, some of the conditions under which Britain plans to “go it alone” are getting ever trickier. New trade deals with international partners will take time to settle, and even after they are concluded, they cannot stand in for Europe. For example, the United Kingdom’s total trade with Australia, Canada, India, and New Zealand is less than its trade with just one small European partner, the Netherlands. In the interim, the UK hopes to rely on World Trade Organization rules. But the WTO’s capacity to adjudicate trade disputes is waning, owing to America’s blocking of appointments to the Appellate Body. Unless the United States alters its stance, that body will have only one judge left by the end of this year, rendering it non-functional. Finally, in negotiating trade arrangements with the US and China while those two are locked in an escalating trade war, the UK will need to stand together with its major trading partners. Not even a “special relationship” can substitute for market size in trade negotiations. For the sake of global trade, accelerating progress on new regional trade arrangements – such as the African Continental Free Trade Area, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and a new deal between the EU and the Mercosur bloc of Latin American countries – is encouraging. Yet a post-Brexit UK is not part of any of these arrangements. PS: In April, you [argued]( that protest movements without strong leadership are far less likely to bring about concrete change. And yet this seems to be a source of strength for protesters in Hong Kong. With no – or very few – identifiable leaders, the authorities are scrambling to arrest any prominent pro-democracy lawmaker or activist. How sustainable is the Hong Kong model, and what are its prospects for success? NW: The advocacy of the pro-democracy activist Joshua Wong in Europe last week shows that there is leadership among the Hong Kong protesters. What is difficult for the Hong Kong protesters, as with any other protest group, is maintaining discipline over how to protest and what end goal to accept. Like opponents of Brexit in the UK, Hong Kong’s protesters have a much easier time rallying against a particular policy (the proposed extradition bill) than agreeing on further ambitious demands. Are Hong Kong’s protesters fighting for nothing less than fully free and fair elections? Do Britain’s “Remainers” want another referendum or a new election? PS: Lamenting how Sino-American rivalry is undermining multilateralism, you have [argued]( that WTO leaders “could be far bolder and more creative in finding ways to support rules-based trade.” What do you have in mind? NW: What I have in mind is coming up with ways to leverage existing rules and processes to support member states, rather than plaintively arguing for new ones. For example, there is a need to bolster and deepen countries’ bilateral obligations to seek resolution where WTO rules are broken. There is also a need to support new regional trade arrangements, including by offering more robust monitoring and adjudication, and to serve as a trusted source of information – of potential “win-sets” from cooperation among countries – and of adjudication and enforcement. PS: In 2017, you [noted]( that “for all their furious positioning,” the differences between left and right over how to ensure that market economies fulfill their potential to advance human progress “seem to have collapsed.” You then proposed measures – from boosting private-sector accountability to improving pay and working conditions – that would likely receive broad support. Almost two years later, has there been any headway? What’s blocking progress? NW: We are currently seeing a change in rhetoric from corporate leaders and politicians. In the US, the Business Roundtable is urging corporates to consider their responsibilities to society at large, not just to their shareholders. In the UK, Johnson is promising to increase funding for institutions like the police and the National Health Service. What is missing are proper plans to restore key public institutions whose funding was cut beyond the bone over the last decade (and have a less obvious campaign appeal). The criminal justice system in the UK is a good example. For all the talk by politicians of “law and order,” the Crown Prosecution Service on which citizens rely has seen its [funding cut]( (in real terms) by 34%; the courts service by 17%; and legal aid to ensure access to justice by 32%. These cuts make upholding criminal law an increasingly hit-and-miss process, eroding citizens’ confidence in the system. By the Way... PS: You recently [tweeted]( praise for German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s “master class” for UK politicians on handling Brexit, in which she calmly stated the EU’s position without showing disrespect to either side in the domestic debate. Are there other world leaders whose example is worthy of emulation? NW: Yes! Although I don’t agree with all their positions on things, when it comes to integrity, energy, purpose, and service to others (rather than to one’s own ego), two examples immediately come to mind. New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern reminds us that a positive message, combined with respect for others, can enable a politician to gain popularity and mobilize people to take action, without resorting to populism. And Margrethe Vestager, the European Commissioner for Competition who is now Executive Vice President-Designate of the European Commission, has shown notable tenacity, focus, and courage. PS: What, in your view, is the biggest threat to good governance today? NW: An unwillingness by leaders and citizens, at the national and global levels, to do two things: (1) to engage with, listen to, and really seek to understand those with whom they disagree; and (2) to work together to create and defend rules and institutions that protect all members of a society. PS: As Founding Dean and Professor of Economic Governance at Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government, you presumably come into contact with a lot of talented young people eager to make a difference. What are some important [misconceptions]( that arriving students hold? And what misconceptions do adults have about today’s young people? NW: One misconception among young people is that there is nothing that their own community, society, or country can learn from others. But if they are to avoid repeating blindly the mistakes of others, they must learn as much as possible. As for older generations, there is a misconception that young people today are locked into narrow, self-centered online worlds. Yet I see students who are vastly more collaborative, mission-driven, and skilled at finding information and building linkages and networks than older generations. Another misconception is that the young are all tech-savvy. The pervasiveness of online fraud highlights the vulnerability of young adults. PS: Did you have women mentors or role models – personally or professionally – who helped you navigate a male-dominated field, even simply through example? NW: Yes. Strong female teachers throughout my life have been important role models. At the same time, male mentors have been key in encouraging me to take risks, be bold, and to have confidence in my abilities. Woods Recommends We ask all our Say More contributors to tell our readers about a few books that have impressed them recently. Here are Woods's picks: [Rise of the Nazis]( BBC television series At a time when minority rights and constitutional protections are under attack in so many places, it is crucial to understand how a government with constitutional rules and functioning courts could fall. [Just Mercy: A Story of Justice and Redemption]( By Bryan Stephenson Stephenson’s book offers insight into what it takes for societies to create and apply laws fairly. It is a must-read not only for every American policymaker, lawyer, judge, and police officer, but also for people around the world. Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion]( By Jonathan Haidt At a deeply polarized time, Haidt helps us to understand those with whom we strongly disagree in our own community. From the PS Archive From 2017 As the world’s financial leaders gathered for the International Monetary Fund and World Bank spring meetings two years ago, Woods warned that by repeatedly making the case for globalization without addressing ordinary people’s concerns, elites may be doing more harm than good. Read the [commentary](. From 2018 Last year, Woods argued that if the old guard is ever to wrest back control from the political upstarts, it’s time to stop complaining about populists and follow their lead instead. Watch the [video](. Around the Web In case you missed it, here are some other places around the web where Woods's work or ideas have appeared recently. Woods answers questions about the new globalization, arguing that it is increasingly “sustained by empires.” Read the [interview](. Woods explains why a second Brexit referendum is essential. Read the [commentary](. At this year’s World Economic Forum meeting in Davos, Woods and [Kishore Mahbubani]( consider the question of whether the West’s power and stability has reached a tipping point. Watch the [video](. [Rich. Rewarding. Redefined. ]( Project Syndicate publishes and provides, on a not-for-profit basis, original commentary by the world's leading thinkers to more than 500 media outlets in over 150 countries. This newsletter is a service of [project-syndicate.org](. © Project Syndicate, all rights reserved. [Unsubscribe from this list](