We watched an interview last week with Robert Kennedy Jr, now a candidate for president. His answers were good. But on one subject, he seemed to be caught off guard. âYouâre from one of the richest families in the USâ, began the examiner. âWhat do you think of Senator Elizabeth Warrenâs proposal of a wealth tax to reduce inequality?â âI donât knowâ¦Iâd have to look at that,â said Kennedy. In the next few words, weâll do some looking too. Primary trends For the benefit of new readers, we take a much broader view than most investment research firms. We look for the deep currents in markets â and history â that help to explain the curious things we see on the surface. As far as your wealth is concerned, it is being in the right place at the right time â not being smart â that really matters. Had you been born in the US after the Second World War, for example, you would have lived through the most remarkably cushy period in human history. And had you caught what we call the âPrimary Trendâ in the US stock market, after 1982, you could have put your investment portfolio on autopilot and enjoyed 40 years of growth. And yesâ¦like the smell of turmeric in an Indian restaurant, thereâs a whiff of fatalism hanging over our pensée. Because, once you discover the primary trend, you see that it is part of a larger pattern â a chapter in a longer storyâ¦a piece of a bigger puzzle. The story, of course, has a beginning and an end â it doesnât matter what you think or what you want. The puzzleâ¦wellâ¦it is what it is. Which is why all those âopinionâ pieces you read in The New York Times and elsewhere are nonsense. We need to do thisâ¦you need to do thatâ¦Biden should do thisâ¦Putin should do that â as far as we know no significant Primary Trend has ever been interrupted by the conscious efforts of well-intentioned meddlers. The deep currents ignore the surface chop. âArmy talksâ But letâs begin looking at the issue from the perspective of a series of 1943 War Department pamphlets entitled âArmy Talksâ. It was propaganda, of course, designed to help soldiers see things the way the Pentagon wanted: âWeâre the good guys, because we favour democracy. âTheyâre bad guys. They are fascists. âGot it? âFor the benefit of soldiers who may not get it immediately, the thought shapers at the Pentagon went on to describe fascism as âgovernment by the few and for the fewâ¦the people run democratic governments, but fascist governments run people.ââ A regular theme of ours has been the way in which the US Government has degenerated since the Second World War, especially after 1971. It has become an âEmpire of Debtâ, as we put it on one of our book covers. As we will see, debt favours the few, not the many. Meanwhile, growth rates have gone downâ¦along with virtually all the markers of a robust, free, healthy society â wage gains slacked off, productivity dropped below zero, and debt soared far beyond the real economy that supported it. Over time, the US has come to look more and more like a âfascistâ regime itself. Laws were passed. Regulations, taxes, exceptions, tariffs, sanctions, penalties, and prohibitions were imposed. And more and moreâ¦legislation, taxation, monetary policy, foreign policy â all seemed to be done for the benefit of the few with paid lobbyists, not for the benefit of the many without them. Inflation, for example, falls much more heavily on the middle classes and the poor than on the rich. The rich spend less of their income on consumer items. And their assets â property, bonds, stocks â tend to rise with inflation. Inflation is not just something âthat happensâ. It is government policy, a way of financing excess government spending. It begins as debt. Then, since it cannot be repaid, it is inflated away. Thatâs why a âdealâ on the debt ceiling was a foregone conclusion. Both political parties wanted to continue borrowing and spending without limit. It didnât matter that âthe peopleâ would be much better off if the government squandered less of their output. The many and the few The wars, too, pay off for the insiders. We invariably lose them, but our weapons and kick-butt attitude are still a source of pride and prejudice to the masses. They salute our âwarfightersâ at football matches, without troubling themselves about what or whom they are fighting. The real gains, however, go exclusively to the few â the know-it-alls in think tanks, the empire builders in government agencies, the weapons suppliers, and the politicians who get campaign donations, speaking fees and retirement sinecures from them. Ms Warren is a politician too. Where does she fit into the USâ 40-year-long primary trend (rising stocks, bonds, and debt) or into its 50 years of âfinancialisationâ? What role does she play in the USâ 100 plus years of empire-buildingâ¦or its 20 years of decline? She aims to solve what she says is a problem â the rich are too rich. They should share their wealth with the rest of us by means of a tax on their wealth. Of course, there is plenty of firepower aimed at them already. Their income is taxed. Their real estate is taxed. Their purchases are taxed. Their estates are taxed. A tax on wealth is just another addition to the arsenal. And she may or may not succeed in getting it passed. Will it matter? Or is it â like the debt ceiling â just more political theatre? Is Ms Warren working for the manyâ¦or the few? Tomorrowâ¦we keep looking. Regards, Bill Bonner, For The Daily Reckoning Australia The post The Burden of Riches appeared first on Daily Reckoning Australia. 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[Privacy Policy/Disclosures]( [The Burden of Riches]( We watched an interview last week with Robert Kennedy Jr, now a candidate for president. His answers were good. But on one subject, he seemed to be caught off guard. âYouâre from one of the richest families in the USâ, began the examiner. âWhat do you think of Senator Elizabeth Warrenâs proposal of a wealth tax to reduce inequality?â âI donât knowâ¦Iâd have to look at that,â said Kennedy. In the next few words, weâll do some looking too. Primary trends For the benefit of new readers, we take a much broader view than most investment research firms. We look for the deep currents in markets â and history â that help to explain the curious things we see on the surface. As far as your wealth is concerned, it is being in the right place at the right time â not being smart â that really matters. Had you been born in the US after the Second World War, for example, you would have lived through the most remarkably cushy period in human history. And had you caught what we call the âPrimary Trendâ in the US stock market, after 1982, you could have put your investment portfolio on autopilot and enjoyed 40 years of growth. And yesâ¦like the smell of turmeric in an Indian restaurant, thereâs a whiff of fatalism hanging over our pensée. Because, once you discover the primary trend, you see that it is part of a larger pattern â a chapter in a longer storyâ¦a piece of a bigger puzzle. The story, of course, has a beginning and an end â it doesnât matter what you think or what you want. The puzzleâ¦wellâ¦it is what it is. Which is why all those âopinionâ pieces you read in The New York Times and elsewhere are nonsense. We need to do thisâ¦you need to do thatâ¦Biden should do thisâ¦Putin should do that â as far as we know no significant Primary Trend has ever been interrupted by the conscious efforts of well-intentioned meddlers. The deep currents ignore the surface chop. âArmy talksâ But letâs begin looking at the issue from the perspective of a series of 1943 War Department pamphlets entitled âArmy Talksâ. It was propaganda, of course, designed to help soldiers see things the way the Pentagon wanted: âWeâre the good guys, because we favour democracy. âTheyâre bad guys. They are fascists. âGot it? âFor the benefit of soldiers who may not get it immediately, the thought shapers at the Pentagon went on to describe fascism as âgovernment by the few and for the fewâ¦the people run democratic governments, but fascist governments run people.ââ A regular theme of ours has been the way in which the US Government has degenerated since the Second World War, especially after 1971. It has become an âEmpire of Debtâ, as we put it on one of our book covers. As we will see, debt favours the few, not the many. Meanwhile, growth rates have gone downâ¦along with virtually all the markers of a robust, free, healthy society â wage gains slacked off, productivity dropped below zero, and debt soared far beyond the real economy that supported it. Over time, the US has come to look more and more like a âfascistâ regime itself. Laws were passed. Regulations, taxes, exceptions, tariffs, sanctions, penalties, and prohibitions were imposed. And more and moreâ¦legislation, taxation, monetary policy, foreign policy â all seemed to be done for the benefit of the few with paid lobbyists, not for the benefit of the many without them. Inflation, for example, falls much more heavily on the middle classes and the poor than on the rich. The rich spend less of their income on consumer items. And their assets â property, bonds, stocks â tend to rise with inflation. Inflation is not just something âthat happensâ. It is government policy, a way of financing excess government spending. It begins as debt. Then, since it cannot be repaid, it is inflated away. Thatâs why a âdealâ on the debt ceiling was a foregone conclusion. Both political parties wanted to continue borrowing and spending without limit. It didnât matter that âthe peopleâ would be much better off if the government squandered less of their output. The many and the few The wars, too, pay off for the insiders. We invariably lose them, but our weapons and kick-butt attitude are still a source of pride and prejudice to the masses. They salute our âwarfightersâ at football matches, without troubling themselves about what or whom they are fighting. The real gains, however, go exclusively to the few â the know-it-alls in think tanks, the empire builders in government agencies, the weapons suppliers, and the politicians who get campaign donations, speaking fees and retirement sinecures from them. Ms Warren is a politician too. Where does she fit into the USâ 40-year-long primary trend (rising stocks, bonds, and debt) or into its 50 years of âfinancialisationâ? What role does she play in the USâ 100 plus years of empire-buildingâ¦or its 20 years of decline? She aims to solve what she says is a problem â the rich are too rich. They should share their wealth with the rest of us by means of a tax on their wealth. Of course, there is plenty of firepower aimed at them already. Their income is taxed. Their real estate is taxed. Their purchases are taxed. Their estates are taxed. A tax on wealth is just another addition to the arsenal. And she may or may not succeed in getting it passed. Will it matter? Or is it â like the debt ceiling â just more political theatre? Is Ms Warren working for the manyâ¦or the few? Tomorrowâ¦we keep looking. Regards, Bill Bonner, For The Daily Reckoning Australia The post The Burden of Riches appeared first on Daily Reckoning Australia. [Continue Reading...]( [The Burden of Riches]( And, in case you missed it: - [Another Tyrant Bites the Dust](
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