Also: The televised showdown that offers a preview of divided government.
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[The New York Times](
Wednesday, December 12, 2018
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[David Leonhardt]
David Leonhardt
Op-Ed Columnist
First, the Oval Office showdown yesterday between President Trump and the Democratic leaders in Congress â Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer â might have been entertaining. And it was probably bad for Trump. He managed both to make a government shutdown more likely, by emboldening House members who want a border wall, and pre-emptively accepted blame for any shutdown, as [Jennifer Rubin of The Washington Post]( writes.
But if you care about the well-being of American government â and you should â I donât think you can be too happy about the televised confrontation. âWhile entertaining, this also risks taking the level of dysfunction to new depths likely to further erode public faith in government â no small feat considering that the public already holds the government in lower esteem than your average war criminal,â my colleague [Michelle Cottle]( writes.
Walgreensâ money, continued. In late June, Walgreens made [a $2,500 contribution]( to the campaign of Senator Cindy Hyde-Smith, the Mississippi Republican. Almost five months later, on Nov. 2., Hyde-Smith made [a joke about a âpublic hangingâ]( that seemed to be a reference to lynching. In the weeks after, many of Hyde-Smithâs corporate donors asked for their money back.
Walgreens has not yet been publicly identified as one of those unhappy donors, but it was. I learned that while reporting on the company for [my most recent column](. Walgreensâ political action committee sent a letter to Hyde-Smithâs campaign âa day or two in advance of the special runoff electionâ that Mississippi held on Nov. 27, Brian Faith, a Walgreens executive, told me.
Iâm glad Walgreens asked that its donation be returned, even if it did so quietly. But I also think that the request to Hyde-Smith shows why the companyâs response to the power grab by Wisconsin Republicans â whom the company has also supported financially â is inadequate.
Last week, I asked Walgreens what it thought about the behavior of Wisconsin state legislators whom it gave money to this year. Those legislators have since [stripped powers]( from the incoming governor and attorney general for nakedly partisan reasons.
Walgreens would not answer the substance of my question. It neither defended the power grab nor criticized it. âOur contributions at the time did not contemplate and do not reflect the current state of affairs in Wisconsin,â Phil Caruso, a Walgreens spokesman, said.
Of course, the same is true of the companyâs contribution to Hyde-Smith. When it gave her money in June, you can be sure the company âdid not contemplateâ that she might one day make a joke about lynching. Still, almost six months later, the company asked for its money back. It understood, correctly, that campaign donors bear some moral responsibility for the behavior of a politician they support.
If that behavior is abhorrent, a donor with clear ethical standards will speak up. Iâm still hoping that Walgreens will clarify its ethical standards.
Related. How should Democrats respond to the power grabs in Wisconsin and elsewhere? Should they ignore them? Or plot their own partisan hardball? Neither, writes the political theorist [Jacob Levy]( in a Times Op-Ed:
âThere is a better option,â Levy says. âDemocrats can use the Republican hardball against them by weaving together the Michigan, Wisconsin and North Carolina cases into a larger story to take to voters in 2020: the indictment of Republican attacks on democracy accompanied by an aggressive reform agenda for strengthening constitutional norms and democratic procedures.â
[Matthew Yglesias]( has made a similar case in Vox. Progressives, he writes, should mimic the strategy of civil-rights activists and âmake the rolling crisis Trump and Republicans have unleashed on American democracy something thatâs discomfiting in tangible ways for the business executives and economic elites who are the real beneficiaries of Trumpâs politics.â
âThe anti-Trump resistance,â he adds, needs âto deploy the rhetorical and organizational tools of a populist movement,â including sit-ins, demonstrations and more.
The full Opinion report from The Times follows, including [Emily Bazelon and Miriam Krinsky]( on the new generation of prosecutors.
[The Chuck and Nancy and Donald Show](
[President Donald Trump makes his point at the White House Tuesday in a meeting with the Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer, right, and the House speaker-designate Nancy Pelosi, along with Vice President Mike Pence.](
President Donald Trump makes his point at the White House Tuesday in a meeting with the Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer, right, and the House speaker-designate Nancy Pelosi, along with Vice President Mike Pence. Doug Mills/The New York Times
By MICHELLE COTTLE
If Tuesdayâs Oval Office meeting is any indication, itâs going to be a rough two years.
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