Is inflation worse than they tell us?

Some people don’t notice it, others have to pay big   [company_logo]( Ought the state to support the arts? There is certainly much to be said on both sides of this question. It may be said, in favor of the system of voting supplies for this purpose, that the arts enlarge, elevate, and harmonize the soul of a nation; that they divert it from too great an absorption in material occupations; encourage in it a love for the beautiful; and thus act favorably on its manners, customs, morals, and even on its industry. It may be asked, what would become of music in France without her Italian theater and her conservatoire; of the dramatic art, without her Théâtre-Français; of painting and sculpture, without our collections, galleries, and museums? It might even be asked, whether, without centralization, and consequently the support of the fine arts, that exquisite taste would be developed which is the noble appendage of French labor, and which introduces its productions to the whole world? In the face of such results, would it not be the height of imprudence to renounce this moderate contribution from all her citizens, which, in fact, in the eyes of Europe, realizes their superiority and their glory? To these and many other reasons, whose force I do not dispute, arguments no less forcible may be opposed. It might first of all be said, that there is a question of distributive justice in it. Does the right of the legislator extend to abridging the wages of the artisan, for the sake of adding to the profits of the artist? M. Lamartine said, “If you cease to support the theater, where will you stop? Will you not necessarily be led to withdraw your support from your colleges, your museums, your institutes, and your libraries?” It might be answered, if you desire to support everything which is good and useful, where will you stop? Will you not necessarily be led to form a civil list for agriculture, industry, commerce, benevolence, education? Then, is it certain that government aid favors the progress of art? This question is far from being settled, and we see very well that the theatres which prosper are those which depend upon their own resources. Moreover, if we come to higher considerations, we may observe that wants and desires arise the one from the other, and originate in regions which are more and more refined in proportion as the public wealth allows of their being satisfied; that government ought not to take part in this correspondence, because in a certain condition of present fortune it could not by taxation stimulate the arts of necessity without checking those of luxury, and thus interrupting the natural course of civilization. I may observe, that these artificial transpositions of wants, tastes, labor, and population, place the people in a precarious and dangerous position, without any solid basis. These are some of the reasons alleged by the adversaries of state intervention in what concerns the order in which citizens think their wants and desires should be satisfied, and to which, consequently, their activity should be directed. I am, I confess, one of those who think that choice and impulse ought to come from below and not from above, from the citizen and not from the legislator; and the opposite doctrine appears to me to tend to the destruction of liberty and of human dignity. But, by a deduction as false as it is unjust, do you know what economists are accused of? It is, that when we disapprove of government support, we are supposed to disapprove of the thing itself whose support is discussed; and to be the enemies of every kind of activity, because we desire to see those activities, on the one hand free, and on the other seeking their own reward in themselves. Thus, if we think that the state should not interfere by taxation in religious affairs, we are atheists. If we think the state ought not to interfere by taxation in education, we are hostile to knowledge. If we say that the state ought not by taxation to give a fictitious value to land, or to any particular branch of industry, we are enemies to property and labor. If we think that the state ought not to support artists, we are barbarians, who look upon the arts as useless. Against such conclusions as these I protest with all my strength. Far from entertaining the absurd idea of doing away with religion, education, property, labor, and the arts, when we say that the state ought to protect the free development of all these kinds of human activity, without helping some of them at the expense of others—we think, on the contrary, that all these living powers of society would develop themselves more harmoniously under the influence of liberty; and that, under such an influence no one of them would, as is now the case, be a source of trouble, of abuses, of tyranny, and disorder. Our adversaries consider that an activity which is neither aided by supplies, nor regulated by government, is an activity destroyed. We think just the contrary. Their faith is in the legislator, not in mankind; ours is in mankind, not in the legislator. Thus M. Lamartine said, “Upon this principle we must abolish the public exhibitions, which are the honor and the wealth of this country.” But I would say to M. Lamartine, according to your way of thinking, not to support is to abolish; because, setting out upon the maxim that nothing exists independently of the will of the state, you conclude that nothing lives but what the state causes to live. But I oppose to this assertion the very example which you have chosen, and beg you to remark, that the grandest and noblest of exhibitions, one which has been conceived in the most liberal and universal spirit—and I might even make use of the term humanitary, for it is no exaggeration—is the exhibition now preparing in London; the only one in which no government is taking any part, and which is being paid for by no tax. To return to the fine arts. There are, I repeat, many strong reasons to be brought, both for and against the system of government assistance. The reader must see that the especial, object of this work leads me neither to explain these reasons, nor to decide in their favor, nor against them. But M. Lamartine has advanced one argument which I cannot pass by in silence, for it is closely connected with this economic study. “The economical question, as regards theatres, is comprised in one word—labor. It matters little what is the nature of this labor; it is as fertile, as productive a labor as any other kind of labor in the nation. The theatres in France, you know, feed and salary no less than 80,000 workmen of different kinds; painters, masons, decorators, costumers, architects, etc., which constitute the very life and movement of several parts of this capital, and on this account they ought to have your sympathies.” Your sympathies! Say rather your money. And further on he says, “The pleasures of Paris are the labor and the consumption of the provinces, and the luxuries of the rich are the wages and bread of 200,000 workmen of every description, who live by the manifold industry of the theatres on the surface of the republic, and who receive from these noble pleasures, which render France illustrious, the sustenance of their lives and the necessaries of their families and children. It is to them that you will give 60,000 francs.” (Very well, very well. Great applause.) For my part I am constrained to say, “Very bad! Very bad!” confining this opinion, of course, within the bounds of the economical question which we are discussing. Yes, it is to the workmen of the theatres that a part, at least, of these 60,000 francs will go; a few bribes, perhaps, may be abstracted on the way. Perhaps, if we were to look a little more closely into the matter, we might find that the cake had gone another way, and that those workmen were fortunate who had come in for a few crumbs. But I will allow, for the sake of argument, that the entire sum does go to the painters, decorators, etc. This is that which is seen. But whence does it come? This is the other side of the question, and quite as important as the former. Where do these 60,000 francs spring from? And where would they go, if a vote of the legislature did not direct them first towards the Rue Rivoli and thence towards the Rue Grenelle? This is what is not seen. Certainly, nobody will think of maintaining that the legislative vote has caused this sum to be hatched in a ballot urn; that it is a pure addition made to the national wealth; that but for this miraculous vote these 60,000 francs would have been for ever invisible and impalpable. It must be admitted that all that the majority can do is to decide that they shall be taken from one place to be sent to another; and if they take one direction, it is only because they have been diverted from another. This being the case, it is clear that the taxpayer, who has contributed one franc, will no longer have this franc at his own disposal. It is clear that he will be deprived of some gratification to the amount of one franc; and that the workman, whoever he may be, who would have received it from him, will be deprived of a benefit to that amount. Let us not, therefore, be led by a childish illusion into believing that the vote of the 60,000 francs may add anything whatever to the well-being of the country, and to national labor. It displaces enjoyments, it transposes wages—that is all. Will it be said that for one kind of gratification, and one kind of labor, it substitutes more urgent, more moral, more reasonable gratifications and labor? I might dispute this; I might say, by taking 60,000 francs from the taxpayers, you diminish the wages of laborers, drainers, carpenters, blacksmiths, and increase in proportion those of the singers. There is nothing to prove that this latter class calls for more sympathy than the former. M. Lamartine does not say that it is so. He himself says that the labor of the theatres is as fertile, as productive as any other (not more so); and this may be doubted; for the best proof that the latter is not so fertile as the former lies in this, that the other is to be called upon to assist it. But this comparison between the value and the intrinsic merit of different kinds of labor forms no part of my present subject. All I have to do here is to show, that if M. Lamartine and those persons who commend his line of argument have seen on one side the salaries gained by the providers of the comedians, they ought on the other to have seen the salaries lost by the providers of the taxpayers: for want of this, they have exposed themselves to ridicule by mistaking a misplacement for a gain. If they were true to their doctrine, there would be no limits to their demands for government aid; for that which is true of one franc and of 60,000 is true, under parallel circumstances, of a hundred millions of francs. When taxes are the subject of discussion, you ought to prove their utility by reasons from the root of the matter, but not by this unlucky assertion—”The public expenses support the working classes.” This assertion disguises the important fact, that public expenses always supersede private expenses, and that therefore we bring a livelihood to one workman instead of another, but add nothing to the share of the working class as a whole. Your arguments are fashionable enough, but they are too absurd to be justified by anything like reason.               Dear Reader, [Martin D. Weiss, PhD]( Care to guess what the true inflation rate is today? The government says it’s 8.5% … which is already bad enough, right? But, if you calculate inflation the same way the government did in 1980, it’s actually closer to 17%.1 The impact on the average retiree is not just dramatic. It’s shocking. For each percentage point increase in the inflation rate, the average retiree loses over $34,400 purchasing power.2 So even if the government’s inflation estimate was accurate, we’d be talking about a loss of $292,000. And with 17% inflation, the loss mushrooms to $584,000. This is no longer just a prediction of what might happen someday in the future. It’s happening right now as we speak. And it’s getting worse by the day. Fortunately, investors don’t have to sit idly while the value of their hard-earned money vanishes before their very eyes. There are some very simple and powerful ways to turn the tables on this crisis and transform it into a wealth-building opportunity unlike anything we’ve seen in four decades. In his just-released video, our Weiss Ratings Senior Analyst, Sean Brodrick, explains exactly how. If you [click here now]( it will begin playing on your screen immediately. Good luck and God bless! [Martin D. Weiss] Martin D. Weiss, PhD Weiss Ratings Founder 1 Shadow Government Statistics. 2 LIMRA Secure Retirement Institute HeKcXSjUWNqsUNcFMTMwLzfqbH52AiTrz9Ap8VGoqo367HhRkgIMde0ggJeU4ORCj BEQPor9UnGvfRb4UCOE5dQhnxHTtAmSrVqtIdzsIZ69xki26PLvi4iCgwAGLM0EVC OqOKfXv4AyOnsYnujN3v3eWAqH35Gw3ekRooBfF86G9msba02WmdN8nZI2K40ibO4 kQ4CR48sI4fcqAyzWMZTd6Chec7cBF6aATtvAZNqDweS2F9yoeCGPw2kt3WX6VVf4 JgLX4rWnRXoGUecPnx0j0fveEIm69riNBJaYhC46lJkHbm0s98Sw6pgAMVgXLZA3o fD3SN7p4GkvPjNZO6WSAh1EMG5S0AUZAtHZ9TAvv3hEHzzh3n2CeQlZRRgxvAQcdJ fko9sLmT77aCM03qrJjSqnTGLvgk8sgVdLHjHFpizTgRWVNMac0qjOuV1NjTndkBb 845A3MIXQuPk88WaPxiHVrA0EHQcAVovfBPGonk6e1eLQqkl9AzZuEhPIqxJpNGhY eu8ebU4JtfAesSK639noWpWjYcJHtwT1hgAdiJttiWEgrdyHYpNzpvjQDBDopidMD thfjIwRp4SoPkGeYvfMChDoa6KZie5uO7puYdf1l7oYOTZNeS3qFW6BJapQOXFRnw THsKZOSEg9JBqZmQNubIVUrFXWojW47zoH84j6Dm95j8EUzvcpGgpMrforCZdlx9e 9xOltxCzOULGr8ddm471T1w4F3UmsJVDJq96S7ZlfaS2H3A97JEP58uYrQU3mCCLs F3s6MKO6wm9TgyYkS7JReKigdvYIDtigocsYbiOZdqqUDX7OuoIfOtaVmSpBYqR4d pJdedPmeBzPKq9wBt86rBrQUly6Sxwf5gmX0nZcSaze08xfP4ERWhgCFiQtyb1ILF K4lrrB5Gjv40Dt5v47EZVKh3gOTmAZdTYzeNWJjDppEBZSrE51Yr7nyy7T9Upx6QG tSVWjPE2Txd9ii9yfma2VmUJtQV9domeHigkVMhGck4ubgc3U4NGjcHEtmjIKEBlq lz3XpvWdPyOvo8SIgniyKXTbEcjFlc9lbhCxM526TRzzm4ubgdsNASaYmkpoKoLC4 LD0QyvAnScKGfgFqsC0AatTH5GpJULXEXq0TH87EIsMgIZNO2NwV8XqQxI8c33DNc picpnwAGt9EyPsbwAdc4qNg0MQlLnmKxhnZ3zAiYx8PKjWVI00RtUBnfrokMd8h1D u7BOGlTKjsbyGoNiBxNneItnj34hDYIAk0TiV7D8k6BFIu0JE9zB3hI9zxKQ6bhkx 6B4wlyW27NKErpN6gx301x6GbiXVEL2qT8UpHOqfDVYwHpMzk2ELy1MBcZ4b17jZw PJHrG6BhjZ26VJLnan0uFlyXsoo3PcGdbWqBt65XXQuO2xbOdikheICLHS2ko5yIv ZQkmzQzDEd1eT3hgULC952jFMdms8dK0xdyHXCMlS8kto37Xw5B4Cnw6rz3z6rMCo 62WUBXdVgtyCWDYUvpktsmNrNw61q2RR2mzqFxXzzJCRarSCBjc1SeMg8x38iqseQ XhvBpjTCuBdpnAX8EsAiLyooopQhYfHFpPNp2fWo3l91Rjf7iK0Q4lMpAbU9AVBtr MwWEkNnEoq4zSnEvm5REeaIYp8KKgIxWxwB1LTSA3LZ667e7wnsgce8Poc0u0mA9B 8N2wccZFhSFEZgIDZKuDdQ6UtxB4bUqa0p1g5JUhnQ2bYepH2guaoDdjIdBIT8JDn LDlPO2U72EKujRRKjjhT3uU8CEVbNHTFIymwgtENBwTs7e0w4FJEfyvlArJg911tX cgmzvLVncnqm9H1JTiBWPffnw8nZad3xYWVzIx5UD3wxHCJc5rR8fnLoyjg5xe1ye 7nhfG9XmGkNmguluOCn2XGEeGfcU3JdHkCs6dUs1CJe0sqcB1ZmVAT6Gx7ud2l2iv X2Mhxr6F2RrH7yAWHy6mhnzNCWtnGtAT1vmcQQluOhcXOx2KBTyG6PYmTwg7LwSwq zz893Or5Y62BBap4t740f03u3Y2z7ipJEsvsA6SAVtZfTXERBKJ7FKBWvar9n2Y2X Y4XjlLEMJlozgy8m3arL3OQwxAjjYJU3E80UJOWexbq4YKDlRfqysbcIRdcGkIwwR Gsq2Zu2akt5DMVEsPNU6ntcAvTgCbnzTENeJqikic1fpyGYXTrgthH6cvDR4faNNf lN9vt5G2RezTbUXw7Ppmpa1G5C38bxH0psArW4JbQBa5MT7Fmczuk5Qv1tfgkG0y8 IhCVbX2HWRJwtFCZALao1VjPQhmI2oSGCFvRYSccMUUXuvk65Op2HMm1ySbUID03r 6vcLEcVrGjDQFiTjOEE7waTEQd5XC9uUcwVpSbXByDZuRr04GcHDTxsqMng39q6vj 8eMc9TnlH8EtdNzGHzPZhzwa82PfIzPvuhMWxvCh7C6ACC3UxZ7at0ta5KIgwKPfR iq3uEHwVGDZ9M9B8d1OP8jWeSyb4lrUGRd46dAtOj1BjntrHUZh7125ciQxR26yWB moycHIuofJEwsdwRYHs9TGBMLn1LaeRUVnyFFLN7MrFHyXFyRHuxiX6OT5A3PHUR6 OA6RDOQkm35fldCBN1UqXm5owr61iNztuN9uhVKZyysmEmPYynYSULs7aQJRrNg5d hIcN2CjEt50PlhW86CYYGIZivLI688DSM4Dc8A8DMH3hJZ3ZR9Fm4cYCfLZqPAVnS jKbhtbvPY6fbMz5S7pBoyaMaJUK521lQ3itXY23xb4mx9e07sE1Ny9xqEbGCKrSTH 2OhDrAWjR5aV92YM8XF0zLmKCSjH06NuoEeLJs3Vf2b0k4XdL3tdz0sr2V2Mm2uXD 2EsnHTrnkxLOIDDMAbnzr2zD5iHSnvoA9iL1HaJ2Iz4e8m0yHrZ7wZdnoSNTnqPsq NNnFheMnkGAsmJ79jexMvMsQ1JunC9tmhHaQEUy7Df4vSqIzKkhzQVzBwHsm0mx5m Meghan Markle, the Duchess of Sussex, was photographed Tuesday boarding a private jet in Indianapolis after headlining a female empowerment conference. Markle was seen exiting an SUV before boarding the plane located at an area hangar also used by the Indianapolis Colts professional football team, according to video footage obtained by Fox News Digital. Markle had arrived just three hours earlier to speak at an event hosted by the Women’s Fund of Central Indiana. Markle and her husband Prince Harry, meanwhile, have been vocal environmental activists. The pair committed through their private organization in November 2021 to achieve net-zero emissions by 2030. "Our co-founders, Prince Harry and Meghan, The Duke and Duchess of Sussex, have a long-standing commitment to the planet, both together and prior to their union, with global projects and partnerships dating back over a decade," the statement continued. In the announcement, Archewell said that every person has a responsibility to reduce their individual carbon footprint. Among the group's suggestions, it said attention should be given to the food people eat, their preferred mode of transportation and how they commute to work. LEONARDO DICAPRIO TRAVELED ON GAS-GUZZLING PRIVATE JETS, YACHTS WHILE FUNDING CLIMATE NUISANCE LAWSUITS "Achieving net zero carbon emissions means making a series of choices over time to make that footprint as small as possible, while compensating for any remaining emissions through high-quality carbon removal projects," it continued. 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"Let’s save it. Let’s do our part." Climate change was among the first social issues Prince Harry and Markle chose to highlight after they stepped back from their senior roles in the British royal family. The couple was also commended by London-based population control group Population Matters after Prince Harry said they were committed to having just two children to reduce their family's carbon footprint. CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP "It’s a fantastically responsible and effective choice that Harry and Meghan have made, because choosing to have one less child – particularly in a rich developed economy like the U.K. – is the most effective eco-action you can take," Population Matters director Robin Maynard said in July 2019. "We have to look at our family size and consumption in the rich West, as well as helping to provide the means and power to make that choice to people in the developing world who may not currently be free to make it." sqoll34il4QbQ2lb50FPDadPRn1kPUJekgwre65vrWmUadGwM10iK6G7wfh86hqRO FigLHhbN9S1R6Y3gScSk4NKTNbjrjuskbzqg9X4o9c1Ru97tKO0CumF8BvRxbvOxZ jjmSNqvfqy1Yw1Z3LLqnvxj6jEAUftvqBuKozx1mSQS39fhMPhX5ZcF2MnyMq5oW3 zAn3do6UzqHf1lSqwtUyV5ixrob8uYUnQvjZmKQZB4aHaLAcWFSdoDP8a0hm4UMxP 78jSjtWWKfOqbOYstX17rn8vAfUvCQkSEu4LtfANnq1m01siOK6DkVDKne5uXX2sE TBu2Roc8m4nFDKgC92KNbEPz2IKa3BIG4BOrAOz2hfn7dOVgaFt41TTPxltub18YU QgUJiyVOqkoB6XSUFKkJewUpqfjKGvphKoYMpkM4svhQpbICvcjat8r6IZ9hI3VCK XO0nx7JjDkNx60TDdVafhz9Ea9Pz9C5uMt5osveyQZ7GGAFNdEvgi0DhGu9mmb2GF gCDtfeHEqjlwFBRexNSKaPuRg2OnZFDSfEhqCf7FKbiUYXSd7jDWnYRJUUm3tWBqe EUevIrxWAafbTODWRcqOBVbB0m7z0cBoJ11C1gqVXefMtUewRNB9JbqbvapJl39E1 WwBBAbtkDMXUHTVFdEPY90kHPmZU8B4IKkzNHFXLhPp4wtTD37oWWldbpPlXppBNX xsWHj3Jt4bpqnPIjChiBMMxWfL3ZfbSQZky2R8hSrIeEZGMkb84fvqo6QWVa7yTQF ewoRvmC7t1WTsN8DfX1fMukEGLRVNYDwe7H3tfYLh2hkcPmafMPtkRJZClvfgd39l zcoUKTl8sqOUb9NRlAnfXzHqftuSVXNlSBlRlvVM0UgsMwj5e3E0Nr5dm3ihTvPHX