What the new U.S.-Ukraine security agreement means

Plus, the effects of Russia’s power sector attacks. JUNE 18, 2024  |  [VIEW IN BROWSER](  |  [SUBSCRIBE](     Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky (left) and U.S. President Joe Biden shake hands after signing a bilateral security agreement on the sidelines of the G-7 summit in Italy's Apulia region on June 13. Filippo Monteforte/AFP via Getty Images At last week’s G-7 summit in Italy, the leaders of the group—as well as heads of state from Brazil, India, the United Arab Emirates, and other nations—discussed security, artificial intelligence, finance and global debt, and climate policy. One topic in the headlines? Future support for Kyiv: Notably, G-7 leaders outlined a plan to use the interest on frozen Russian assets for a $50 billion loan to Ukraine. At the summit, the United States and Ukraine also signed a 10-year security agreement. FP’s Rishi Iyengar and Robbie Gramer explain what it does—and doesn’t—include. Beyond support for Ukraine, they [report](, “the new security deal is also meant to send a few other messages.” After months of deadlock in Congress over aid and ahead of the U.S. election, the topic remains at the top of the agenda in Washington. Renewed U.S. support also comes as Ukraine has faced attacks on its energy sector. FP’s Keith Johnson explains Russia’s assault on Ukraine’s biggest power plants and the effects across the country. “The ongoing Russian attacks on the vulnerable energy system offer few prospects of a quick fix,” Johnson writes. 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I was born and grew up in India, and I’m trying to remember when I became Indian. In the summer of 1986, a police constable on a bicycle came to my home in the city of Patna to conduct an inquiry. This visit was in response to my application for a passport. Two weeks later, my passport was ready. I was 23 years old, preparing to come to the United States to attend a graduate program in literature. Did I first become Indian when I acquired my passport? If so, it would be paradoxical that I became Indian at the very moment I was most eager to get away from India. But there must have been earlier occasions. I was 8 when Bangladesh was liberated with the help of the Indian Army in December 1971. I had a vague sense that the Indian armed forces, and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, had beaten the Pakistanis and that they had also outfoxed the rotund man with thick glasses in newspaper photographs, Henry Kissinger. Maybe it was then that I adopted my nascent national identity? When I was a little older, my father’s job took us to Bokaro, a city in eastern India where the Russians had helped build a steel factory. One day, I met the Russian engineers and their families at an event where they were giving out gifts, including pins with Vladimir Lenin’s head on them. This first real encounter with foreigners, maybe this was the day when I thought of myself as Indian? [CONTINUE READING](   Most Popular [A gun salute is seen as Chinese Premier Li Qiang inspects a guard of honor outside the Australian Parliament House on June 17 in Canberra, Australia. ]( [The President Needs to Lead the Cold War on China]( A comprehensive economic strategy can forestall Beijing. 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The first episode is free to stream wherever you listen.   Are you interested in learning more about FP Analytics’ cutting-edge research services, hosting an FP Virtual Dialogue event, or building a podcast with FP Studios? [Explore partnership opportunities](. Answer: A. Its shared border with Russia in the Arctic. As tensions with Russia spiral and climate change alters the landscape of the High North, countries are once again turning their attention to Arctic competence, Kenneth R. Rosen [reports]( from Alaska. [Subscribe to Foreign Policy]( [The world, at your fingertips]( Keeping up with global moments has never been more essential. Save up to 50% when you join our community of readers today. [SUBSCRIBE NOW](   [Facebook]( [Twitter]( [Instagram]( [LinkedIn]( You’re receiving this email at {EMAIL} because you signed up for FP's This Week newsletter. 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